Political Oppression
Ethiopia has experienced continuing economic growth and has
progressed in many fields the recent years. However, the human rights
situation in the country remains a matter of concern. Organizations
focused on improving human rights are impeded. Political opposition is
subject to abuse. Journalists who report on the state of affairs are
harassed and persecuted.
With severe restrictions on political involvement and political
statements after the 2005 election, the political climate in Ethiopia
has become increasingly toxic. A large number of journalists and others
outspoken against the government have been incarcerated since 2005.
With a very small mandate in the Parliament in the 2010 election, the
opposition party has little political power to improve the political
situation.
The Norwegian authorities previously collaborated closely with the
opposition party in Ethiopia, but now there is virtually no contact.
With the absence of current and credible information, there is also now
considerably less criticism directed at the Ethiopian regime by the
Norwegian government.
In recent years, the Ethiopian government has enacted laws that in
various ways limit the opposition’s ability to promote political
freedom. Many opposition politicians, journalists and bloggers have
been accused of terrorism pursuant to the anti-terrorism laws that have
recently been enforced.
In addition to these restrictions, laws have been put in place to
control the media to a greater extent, and that de facto isolate
organizations from working with human rights. Surveillance by the
authorities is extensive, and they firmly control the citizens. Few
public demonstrations are staged in Ethiopia.
Many politicians in the opposition remain in custody in Ethiopia, and
many are accused of affiliation to illegal parties that are regarded as
terrorist organizations. Individuals from the legitimate opposition
parties are imprisoned and are subjected to attacks of varying
seriousness. Young members are particularly vulnerable, especially after
the Arabic Autumn. Many in the opposition are subjected to false
accusations, and false affidavits are given against them. To further
inhibit the powerbases they tend to target those in the grassroots, due
to the fact that those in top positions are more visible and thus more
protected. The attacks on the political opposition are arbitrary and
unpredictable in nature.
A number of informants report physical abuse in prisons; one can only
guess the scale of it. Public critique of the government is prohibited
in Ethiopia, it is however possible to publish criticism about how
politics are applied. Certain subjects are considered to be too
sensitive and therefore off limits for the press.
What is considered the illegal opposition operates primarily in
exile, and all activity in Ethiopia is clandestine. The so-called
illegal opposition parties regard armed combat as a necessary means to
facilitate a regime change. The parties have been weakened in the past
decade, and pose no veritable threat to the current government. Three of
the banned opposition parties have been deemed as terrorist
organizations by the Ethiopian Parliament.
None of the informants in Ethiopia have direct contact with these
banned political parties as a result of the risks this would pose. Many
informants have little knowledge about the activities of banned parties
in Ethiopia. They spoke of some activity in Ethiopia, and there is some
evidence to that extent. Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Party (EPRP)
contacted us whilst we were in Addis Ababa. In addition to that they
also put up posters outside the guesthouse where we resided.
Any involvement with the banned opposition parties in Norway will
have deleterious repercussions upon return to Ethiopia, however there is
no indication to the degree or extent of involvement that is required
in order to be targeted; furthermore there is no indication exactly what
the repercussions would be. No member of the opposition has ever been
deported, which makes it difficult to guess what the consequences would
be.
The Ethiopian authorities crack down on people with any affiliation
to these parties and punitive action is taken towards those who have any
association to these banned parties. Many informants claim that people
that are active in these parties risk incarceration and torture upon
arrival in Ethiopia.
The degree of visibility has significance for how vulnerable
individuals who are critical of the authorities are. There is great
uncertainty as to how the Ethiopian government will treat these
individuals upon deportation. Opposition leaders claim that there is a
high probability that the system critics who are deported will be faced
with retaliations after a given time, and that the accusation will then
be well camouflaged. More informants claim that the system critics who
face deportation to Ethiopia would be vulnerable to fabricated
accusations and false affidavits.
The press in Ethiopia is controlled by the authorities. Over the past
few years newspapers have been banned, web sites barred, radio stations
and satellite TV- stations blocked. Internet surveillance has been
intensified, and bloggers received stiff sentences. Many journalists
have been exposed to violence, and many more have gone to exile. At
present there is only one newspaper that is critical of the government.
Gender Based Persecution
Homosexuality is socially unacceptable and a criminal offense in
Ethiopia. As a result, co-habitation amongst homosexual couples is not
permissible. Members of the Ethiopian lesbian, gay, bisexual and
transgender (LGBT) community are consistently subjected to hate crimes
and violence by both the government and private citizens. Informants
report that criminal cases are often fabricated against homosexuals.
While LGBTs are incarcerated, they are exposed to violence by the
police, prison officers and fellow inmates.
Not only are LGBTs attacked and beaten up by private citizens, but
they also fall victims of extortion by professional gangs. Openness
about one’s sexual orientation in Ethiopia can result in ostracism at
the family and community level. At the professional level, there is
also the risk of losing your job if your homosexual orientation is
discovered. Even the normal last resorts for support, like religious
and community leaders, are most often vehemently homophobic.
There is very little transparency about mistreatment of homosexuals
in Ethiopia, as attacks on homosexuals are rarely reported.
Organizations that work with, support or represent homosexuals have very
little influence on this matter.
Many women in Ethiopia are victims of genital mutilations.
Although empirical statistics are scarce, with material
variability providing numbers of this practice, there seems to be a
consensus that this practice is decreasing. According to an EGLDAM
report; the amount of women who are subjected to genital
mutilation decreased from 73% to 57 % between the years 1997 and 2007.
However, the UN reported in 2011 that there is a prevalence rate of 74
%. There is a notable variation regionally and ethnically with regards
to how many women are circumcised. Furthermore, there is also variation
regarding the age and method of circumcision. Genital mutilation was
criminalised in 2005, but the law is only enforced to a very limited
extent.
Repatriation Agreement
In January 2011 Norway and Ethiopia agreed to coordinate and regulate
the voluntary repatriation as well as the forceful deportation of
Ethiopian asylum seekers. This agreement has been criticized both by The
United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights and by NOAS.
Individuals who return to Ethiopia by their own volition are offered a
cash pay- out to the value of NOK 15 000 upon arrival in addition to
being eligible for a start-up grant (up to the value of approximately
NOK 30 000). This however is not a cash grant. This can be used to set
up a business or for educational purposes. The Administration for
Refugee and Returnee Affairs (ARRA), an institution established by
the Ethiopian government and part of the Ministry of Home Affairs, is
the main implementing partner of UNHCR. Although ARRA is responsible
for the reintegration program, they have to date not yet managed to
establish a system for this. Thus, a temporary and simplified program
has been established in the spring of 2012. The whole amount is payable
in cash. However, they are also eligible for a reintegration grant.
There is still much uncertainty with regards to how a permanent
reintegration program would function.
Prior to the repatriation agreement was signed, the deportation of
Ethiopians was very complicated. The amount of deportations of
Ethiopians from Norway and other Western countries in the past few years
has been minimal. There have also been relatively few voluntary returns
to Ethiopia.
Gloria Owoses
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